Bruce Lear lives in Sioux City and has been connected to Iowa’s public schools for 38 years. He taught for eleven years and represented educators as an Iowa State Education Association regional director for 27 years until retiring. He can be reached at BruceLear2419@gmail.com 

Before Republicans gutted Iowa’s 42-year-old public sector bargaining law in 2017, collective bargaining was a lot like a middle school dance. At the start, there was a chasm between wannabe dancers. They huddled with their own group, talking about what might be.

Oh, so gradually they inched closer. One deal was done, then a couple more. Suddenly, the dance floor rocked until deadlines loomed, and the lights blazed on.

It’s never easy. But it worked, and the school district and association owned the results.

Charles Gaba is a health care policy wonk, advocate, and blogger who mixes data analysis with snark at ACASignups.net, where this article first appeared. You can follow him on Threads, Bluesky, Mastodon, Spoutible, or X/Twitter.

Over the past couple of months I’ve compiled a master spreadsheet breaking out enrollment in Affordable Care Act plans (Qualified Health Plans and Basic Health Plans), Medicaid/Children’s Health Insurance Program coverage (both traditional and via ACA expansion) and Medicare (both Fee-for-Services and Advantage) at the Congressional district levels.

With the pending dire threat to several of these programs (primarily Medicaid and the ACA) from the federal budget proposal House Republicans approved in late February, I’m going a step further and am generating pie charts which visualize just how much of every Congressional district’s total population is at risk of losing health care coverage.

All four Republicans who represent Iowa in the U.S. House voted for the budget blueprint.

Kurt Meyer writes a weekly column for the Nora Springs – Rockford Register and the Substack newsletter Showing Up, where this essay first appeared. He served as chair of the executive committee (the equivalent of board chair) of Americans for Democratic Action, America’s most experienced liberal organization.

John Muir, among our nation’s earliest and most passionate conservationists, died on Christmas Eve, 1914. Yet I swear I can hear his voice, crystal clear, responding to President Donald Trump’s recent actions. 

Earlier this month, Trump directed federal agencies to seek ways environmental regulations could be circumvented with plans of increasing timber production in 280 million acres of national forests and other public lands. He signed an executive order allowing the U.S. to bypass Endangered Species Act protections.

The only Iowa Republican in Congress who did not receive Donald Trump’s “Complete and Total Endorsement!” in 2022 has been working hard to demonstrate her loyalty to him.

U.S. Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks has stuck close to Trump—literally and figuratively—as she prepares for what could be a tough 2026 primary campaign in Iowa’s first Congressional district.

Herb Strentz was dean of the Drake School of Journalism from 1975 to 1988 and professor there until retirement in 2004. He was executive secretary of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council from its founding in 1976 to 2000.

Lutheran Services in Iowa is struggling after the federal government reneged on a $1.5 million commitment to fund the nonprofit’s work in welcoming and aiding legal immigrants and refugees to Iowa. The controversy screams for more detail and better coverage than it has received from the news media so far.

Hundreds of newcomers to Iowa, and millions across the country aided by other charities, have been cut off from support authorized by Congress. The Trump administration’s decision to freeze the funding is grounded in misleading statements if not outright lies.

The way we are treating the world’s most vulnerable today stands in stark contrast to our country’s history. Consider a 19^th century sonnet by poet Emma Lazarus, which expressed America’s aspirations as a nation of immigrants, and a vulgarity President Donald Trump expressed in the 21^st century.

Matt Russell is a farmer, political writer, progressive ag and rural leader. He has published work in the New York Times, TIME, AgInsider, Civil Eats, and many state or local publications. He co-owns Coyote Run Farm with his husband Patrick Standley in rural Lacona, Iowa. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Growing New Leaders: Perspectives from Coyote Run Farm

Democrats have an organizing problem. They think voters need to be educated and convinced. And they think convincing voters that they need to be saved is the path to victory. I’m hearing talk about the need for those who voted for Donald Trump to feel the pain before Democrats make a move. This doubles down on the strategies of the paid consultant class, who failed to win the election, rather than looking at new ways to organize.

We need to stop trying to convince voters that Democrats will save Americans, and instead invest in Americans to do the work of saving our nation.

Fourth in a series on the new Iowa law that removed legal protection against discrimination for transgender and nonbinary Iowans, as well as any path for the state to officially recognize their gender identity.

Iowa House Speaker Pat Grassley has denied that GOP leaders threatened to block progress on unrelated legislation as a way to convince reluctant Republican lawmakers to vote for a bill targeting transgender Iowans.

Grassley made the comments during his weekly “gaggle” with statehouse reporters in the House chamber on March 13. Here’s the relevant exchange:

Sue Dinsdale is the executive director of the Iowa Citizen Action Network, a grassroots public interest organization committed to creating social change in Iowa and across the nation. She is also the state lead for Health Care for America NOW. Brian Keyser is a health policy research associate at Center for American Progress, an independent, nonpartisan policy institute that is dedicated to improving the lives of all Americans through bold, progressive ideas, strong leadership, and concerted action.

Last year, 60-year-old Iowan Susan McKinney started a new job working from home for a travel agency. Susan suffers from diabetes, arthritis, and atrial fibrillation (AFib), and her insurance coverage hadn’t kicked in before her health deteriorated to the point where she couldn’t walk up or down her apartment steps. She couldn’t get to a doctor—which she had no way to pay for anyway—so her conditions went untreated. In November, her concerned siblings moved her back to her hometown of Cedar Rapids, where the local free clinic told her that she qualified for Medicaid. Susan’s sister says, “Medicaid saved her life.”

Medicaid provides comprehensive medical coverage and long-term care for approximately 21 percent of Iowans like Susan. In 2023, the federal government covered around 72 percent of Iowa’s $7 billion in Medicaid spending.

But on February 25, all four members of Iowa’s House delegation voted in lock step with the Republican majority to advance a budget that would necessitate slashing federal contributions to state Medicaid programs to fund tax cuts for the wealthy. If implemented, this legislation could mean a loss of more than $8 billion for Iowa’s economy over the next decade.

The Center for American Progress estimated how the $880 billion in proposed Medicaid cuts nationwide would cost each Congressional district in federal funding. Here are the Iowa numbers:

Fifteenth in a series interpreting the results of Iowa’s 2024 state and federal elections.

Nick Conway is a Geographic Information Systems Technician who lives in Seattle, Washington. He is a graduate of Grinnell College. Follow him on X/Twitter @Mill226 or on Bluesky @conwayni2.bsky.social.

Iowa has experienced one of the nation’s most dramatic political transformations since President Barack Obama carried the state for a second time in 2012. While Obama won 52.0 percent of Iowa’s presidential vote to Mitt Romney’s 46.2 percent (a roughly 6-point margin), by 2024 the state had become solidly Republican, with Donald Trump securing 55.7 percent to 42.5 percent for Kamala Harris (a 13-point margin).

Iowa’s 19 percentage point swing in presidential voting from 2012 to 2024 was the second-largest shift toward Republicans among all 50 states, surpassed only by Obama’s childhood home of Hawaii.

The transformation was particularly striking at the county level. Nearly a quarter of the 100 counties in the U.S. that showed the largest GOP gains from 2012 to 2024 are in Iowa.

Al Charlson is a North Central Iowa farm kid, lifelong Iowan, and retired bank trust officer.

I’m sure many readers can look back at their careers and think of certain years which stand out in red letters. 2008 is one of those years for me.

At that time our bank’s trust department held several commercial buildings in downtown Waverly in a fiduciary relationship. On June 9 I went downtown in my knee-high rubber boots. I was able to get into one of the buildings through the glass side entrance doors. The corner office was rented to a professional group, and I joined them in carrying files upstairs to the mezzanine. 

Every time we went out into the lobby to the stairs the water was a little higher on those glass entrance doors. It was eerie. We worked as long as we could.

A strong Democratic ground game wasn’t quite enough to overcome the partisan lean and spending disparity in Iowa House district 100.

Republican Blaine Watkins will be the next representative for the district covering most of Lee County, after he won the March 11 special election by a surprisingly narrow margin.

Unofficial results indicate that Watkins received 2,749 votes to 2,574 for Democrat Nannette Griffin (51.5 percent to 48.2 percent). Voters living in this area preferred Donald Trump to Kamala Harris in the 2024 general election by 62.2 percent to 35.4 percent, according to Bleeding Heartland’s analysis of precinct-level results.

THE WINNING FORMULA FOR WATKINS

Griffin carried the early vote and two of the six precincts where polls were open on March 11: one in Fort Madison, where she has owned and operated a business for many years, and one in Keokuk. Watkins carried the other four election-day precincts by margins large enough to overcome Griffin’s advantage in absentee ballots. His best precinct was in Donnellson, where he grew up.

The only Iowa Republican legislator to lose his 2024 re-election bid has landed a job in the Trump administration—and he won’t need to move to Washington, DC.

Former State Senator Brad Zaun will be the administrator of the Small Business Administration’s Region 7, he announced to LinkedIn followers on March 6. In a statement published by the Des Moines Register, Zaun said he was “dedicated to boosting small businesses in Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, and Nebraska by cutting red tape, expanding our reach, and providing essential resources.” He added, “My goal is a streamlined, ‘America First’ SBA that fuels free enterprise and regional prosperity.”

Elon Musk’s “Department of Government Efficiency” continues to slash the federal workforce, but there will always be room for political appointees—especially those on good terms with President Donald Trump.

Jason Benell lives in Des Moines with his wife and two children. He is a combat veteran, former city council candidate, and president of Iowa Atheists and Freethinkers. A version of this essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, The Odd Man Out.

Recently we have seen an onslaught of awful behavior and policy from the Republican majority, not only at the Iowa statehouse but nationally. In each case the Republicans have acted deplorably, while Democrats seem to think that the proper way to respond to deplorable behavior is to adjust their monocle, straighten their suit jackets, and have a respectable and demure silent protest before tut tutting on the drive home. 

Now, I am not one for immediately going from zero to pissed in a counterproductive way, but I am also not one to say, “When they go low, we tuck our tails and do nothing.” The way you deal with bullies isn’t to immediately cave and cede the entire ground to them, but to stand up and make them do the bad things they threaten to do. You don’t comply in advance. If you stand up, you have a chance to stop them.

Bruce Lear lives in Sioux City and has been connected to Iowa’s public schools for 38 years. He taught for eleven years and represented educators as an Iowa State Education Association regional director for 27 years until retiring. He can be reached at BruceLear2419@gmail.com 

(With apologies to the Twilight Zone creators)

You’re about to enter another dimension. A dimension not only of anger and fear but of hypocrisy. A journey into a place where bipartisan thought is extinguished by blind obedience. A dimension that diminishes a state. It refuses to listen to cries for moderation and compromise. It’s a place where no position is too extreme. Bizarre becomes reality. There’s a signpost up ahead. 

You’ve entered the Golden Dome Zone.

There’s certainly something weird happening under that Golden Dome. Senate File 360 would have made it a simple misdemeanor in Iowa to provide or administer a gene-based vaccines like the mRNA ones for COVID-19. Republicans on a subcommittee advanced this bill, but it did not get through the full Senate Health and Human Services Committee before the “funnel” deadline on March 7.

But did it really die?

Clark Kauffman is deputy editor at Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared.

Fourteen bills related to nursing home oversight were introduced in the Iowa Senate this week, although none are expected to win approval.

At the beginning of the 2025 session, Senate President Amy Sinclair told Iowa Public Radio she didn’t anticipate any action on nursing home regulation, saying the state was already doing a good job overseeing the industry.

Prior to the session, Democratic State Senator Claire Celsi had called for stricter oversight and increased enforcement of nursing home regulations. She requested fourteen separate bills dealing with nursing homes. Due to delays in the drafting process, those bills were published on March 5, just ahead of this week’s deadline for approving non-appropriations bills.

Third in a series on the new Iowa law that removed legal protection against discrimination for transgender and nonbinary Iowans, as well as any path for the state to officially recognize their gender identity.

Given the choice, most legislators will not cast a potentially career-ending vote—especially when they know the outcome isn’t riding on their decision.

But on February 27, five Republican members of the Iowa House voted against Senate File 418, the bill that laid the groundwork for future discrimination against transgender Iowans and others. A sixth GOP lawmaker (who left the capitol during the floor debate) later put a note in the House Journal to confirm he would have voted no.

These lawmakers come from different political backgrounds but have a couple of things in common. All represent heavily Republican areas, not swing districts—which means they are at greater risk of losing to a GOP primary challenger than to a Democrat in a general election. In addition, all have opposed at least one other high-profile bill the House approved during the past few years.

This post is mostly about the six Republicans who took a public stand against Senate File 418. I also discuss eight of their colleagues, who signaled they were uncomfortable with discrimination against transgender Iowans but eventually fell in line.

Rick Morain is the former publisher and owner of the Jefferson Herald, for which he writes a regular column.

Like many words, “peace” carries a number of meanings. U.S. President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Zelenskyy use “peace” to describe two different scenarios.

When Trump says peace, he means the absence of physical fighting. He says the goal in Ukraine is to stop the war, which he emphasizes has killed thousands upon thousands of Ukrainians and Russians.

That’s a laudable goal. And it’s Zelenskyy’s goal as well. But when Zelenskyy says peace, he has more in mind. He means the peace that comes when the aggressor is defeated and withdraws, when his invaded nation is no longer partially occupied by foreign troops.

Keenan Crow is director of policy and advocacy for One Iowa and One Iowa Action.

I recently read with interest a guest commentary by Christine Hawes for the Des Moines Register. I’m always curious about other community members’ views on macro strategy, so I read it with an open mind.

I’m going to preface this response by saying I think Hawes is asking this question in good faith. For that reason, I’m going to give it a good faith answer. This piece comes from genuine concern, and any response should be treated with care, not with open hostility. Further, I agree with the author at least on the point that we should always be open to self-examination.

That said, I vehemently disagree with the approach this piece is advocating.

Jeff Fuhrman is an independent international finance director with significant experience in the former Soviet Union.  He resides in Iowa with his husband and their dog, Harambe.

I write today to advocate for a return to good judgment and integrity in U.S. policies toward Ukraine. 

The February 28 meeting between President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy devolved into a shouting match. Apparently it was was too much for the Trump administration for Zelenskyy to cite real facts in front of media outlets that might actually broadcast them.

The rhetorical tactics Trump and Vice President JD Vance used in response (including “if all else fails, just talk over them, loudly”) may have worked for some of the audience, but the messaging apparently didn’t land right. The administration sent Secretary of State Marco Rubio out to do more damage control a few hours later.

Second in a series on Iowa’s wide-ranging law that removed legal protection against discrimination for transgender and nonbinary Iowans, as well as any path for the state to officially recognize their gender identity.

Iowa Republicans made history in the worst way last week.

Effective July 1, 2025, the Iowa Civil Rights Act will no longer prohibit discrimination in employment, housing, education, public accommodations, or credit on the basis of gender identity. The state of Iowa also will stop issuing birth certificates that reflect a transgender person’s gender identity, and will officially recognize separate-but-equal accommodations as lawful.

Republicans sped up the legislative process to pass Senate File 418 in both chambers on February 27, only seven days after the bill text became public.

The Iowa Senate approved the bill on a party-line vote of 33 to 15. Less than an hour later, the House passed the bill by 60 votes to 36, with five Republicans joining all Democrats in opposition. Governor Kim Reynolds signed Senate File 418 on February 28.

Forthcoming articles will analyze this law’s impact on Iowans and the inevitable court challenge over some potentially unconstitutional provisions.

For now, I want to highlight a selection of compelling appeals the majority party ignored: six from Iowans whom this law will directly harm, and six from allies of the trans community.

All of the videos enclosed below came from either the floor debates or the Iowa House public hearing held on the morning of February 27. It was very hard to choose just a few testimonies. You can watch the entire public hearing here or here, the full Iowa Senate floor debate here, and the Iowa House debate here.